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NepalWomen's Status and Role in Society
The United Nations has defined the status of women in
the
context of their access to knowledge, economic resources,
and
political power, as well as their personal autonomy in the
process
of decision making. When Nepalese women's status is
analyzed in
this light, the picture is generally bleak. In the early
1990s,
Nepal was a rigidly patriarchical society. In virtually
every
aspect of life, women were generally subordinate to men.
Women's relative status, however, varied from one
ethnic group
to another. The status of women in Tibeto-Nepalese
communities
generally, was relatively better than that of Pahari and
Newari
women. Women from the low caste groups also enjoyed
relatively more
autonomy and freedom than Pahari and Newari women.
The senior female member played a commanding role
within the
family by controlling resources, making crucial planting
and
harvesting decisions, and determining the expenses and
budget
allocations. Yet women's lives remained centered on their
traditional roles--taking care of most household chores,
fetching
water and animal fodder, and doing farm work. Their
standing in
society was mostly contingent on their husbands' and
parents'
social and economic positions. They had limited access to
markets,
productive services, education, health care, and local
government.
Malnutrition and poverty hit women hardest. Female
children usually
were given less food than male children, especially when
the family
experienced food shortages. Women usually worked harder
and longer
than men. By contrast, women from high-class families had
maids to
take care of most household chores and other menial work
and thus
worked far less than men or women in lower socioeconomic
groups.
The economic contribution of women was substantial, but
largely
unnoticed because their traditional role was taken for
granted.
When employed, their wages normally were 25 percent less
than those
paid to men. In most rural areas, their employment outside
the
household generally was limited to planting, weeding, and
harvesting. In urban areas, they were employed in domestic
and
traditional jobs, as well as in the government sector,
mostly in
low-level positions.
One tangible measure of women's status was their
educational
attainment. Although the constitution offers women equal
educational opportunities, many social, economic, and
cultural
factors contributed to lower enrollment and higher dropout
rates
for girls. Illiteracy imposed the greatest hindrance to
enhancing
equal opportunity and status for women. They were caught
in a
vicious circle imposed by the patriarchical society. Their
lower
status hindered their education, and the lack of
education, in
turn, constricted their status and position
(see Education since 1951
, this ch.). Although the female literacy rate has
improved
noticeably over the years, the level in the early 1990s
fell far
short of the male level.
The level of educational attainment among female
children of
wealthy and educated families was much higher than that
among
female children of poor families. This class disparity in
educational attainment was also true for boys. In Nepal,
as in many
societies, education was heavily class-biased
(see Education
, this
ch.).
In the early 1990s, a direct correlation existed
between the
level of education and status. Educated women had access
to
relatively high-status positions in the government and
private
service sectors, and they had a much higher status than
uneducated
women. This general rule was more applicable at the
societal level
than at the household level. Within the family, an
educated woman
did not necessarily hold a higher status than her
uneducated
counterpart. Also within the family, a woman's status,
especially
a daughter-in-law's status, was more closely tied to her
husband's
authority and to her parental family's wealth and status
than
anything else.
Data as of September 1991
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